LIBERALISM: Imitating'social justice' lingo from the United States
Not too long ago, I used to be surprised to hear newly arrived desi students in America begin spewing modern social justice lingo as if they had always known it. What is the source of this unique speaking ability? When someone like me had to painstakingly wade through the fortifications of classical liberalism and then its different ideological foes merely to acquire a hold on post-structuralist theory to see if it applied to my own mission, how could they be so fluent in the language of deconstruction?
It's much worse now. It includes not
just scholars in the humanities and social sciences but also authors, artists,
intellectuals, and anybody else who speaks in public. Today's rapid global
connections allow for the spread of liberal fear from America to opinion-makers
throughout the world in a matter of seconds. Whatever worries American
intellectuals confronting dying liberalism about #MeToo, white supremacy,
transgender oppression, or purported Trumpian "fascism" immediately
permeates elite thinkers in regions of the world with no connection to the cultural
petri dish where these self-involved viruses germinated.
All of this churn and froth, quick
replication, and instantaneous insertion into what looks to be avant-garde
ideas neglect the fact that none of it applies to Pakistan or any other
developing nation. The discourse is different from what Pakistan requires, with
its fiercely unequal, feudal, patriarchal, and even deeply sexist culture,
where even the fundamentals of liberal constitutionalism have not yet been
figured out, much less transcended.
The largest issue is poverty, which
is frequently caused by exploitative colonial dependencies and, in Pakistan's
case, took on new darkness after the War on Terror. However, the new language
of social justice says nothing about this. It is completely devoid of a class
perspective, even in today's popular intersectional jargon that pretends to
do so, and is rooted in the culture wars of the American right and left elites,
having no relevance to working-class struggles in Pakistan or other developing
nations. It is also based on the American right and left elites' cultural wars.
The original French and European
post-structuralists had a lot to say about understanding the blind spots of the
Western democracies, particularly about the cultural hegemony exercised
about then marginalized groups, and they were also associated with the
Frankfurt School, which had Marxist leanings. The theory was later seized by
American academics, who never let go of it. It was reduced to mush by them.
Without any reference to a class, identity politics has evolved into a handmaiden
of neoliberal political economics. When it comes to the bureaucratic
administration of who gets to talk at what table in elite circles — in
academia, the arts, and politics — it is only a new game of musical chairs.
It is propagated by uninformed
influencers as some sort of radical insight into the human condition in its
widely accepted form, which has completely ascended thanks to the power of
social media when in reality it is nothing more than repeatedly watered-down
iterations of the original post-structuralize framework. It performs a
spectacular celebration of individual choice that is by this point useless
within the confines of neoliberal precariousness and it fits well into
pre-existing American conceptions of non-judgmentalism towards personal
lifestyles.
The fact that this mindless ideology
has spread like wildfire throughout the entire world and is repeated endlessly,
down to its wackiest verbal tics, wherever elite opinion is disseminated, as
though what is being said were a special language opening up a wormhole into
timeless justice, is disturbing.
Think about what transpired after
George Floyd was brutally murdered by Minneapolis police two years ago. In the
US and other democracies as well, protests erupted with fervor and breadth
not seen since the late 1960s. It initially had a clear aspect of class: the
recognition of the American police as a tool for perpetuating unequal property
relations from their very inception. However, this activism component was solely the work of
individuals who are illiterate in the modern vocabulary of social justice, and
these dissidents were soon marginalized and excluded. The activist energy was
then taken over by an absolutely corrupted and elite-endorsed organization like
Black Lives Matter (BLM), which unsurprisingly transformed it into slushy
water. Currently, the extreme campaign against police brutality is officially
over.
One may discuss how feminism, which
in the 1970s took on some really radical class dimensions, gradually evolved
into bourgeois white feminism, becoming fixated on a variety of lifestyle
options unavailable to women in developing nations while somehow presenting
itself as universal in scope. Because it refuses to acknowledge any female drive as valid other than
its own restricted ideology, it serves neoliberal class relations just as well
as any economic tool used by neoliberalism.
So where does one turn for a social
justice lexicon (and behavior) that doesn't mimic these tainted vestiges of the
American culture war? This has been made challenging because neoliberal globalization
has openly pursued and even promoted the goal of cultural homogenization and
flattening around the world. However, independent culture cannot be completely
destroyed and has not yet been done so.
If we are willing to look, our own
society is full of examples of true compassion. After centuries of colonial and
later domestic overlordship, one does not need to turn to obscurantist ideas,
which are frequently a reflection of desperation. Instead, there is plenty of
genuine humanism in our own tradition. Edhi undoubtedly engaged in it, as did a
great number of others in the past and present. When they are at their best,
our own history, literature, music, philosophy, architecture, social
interactions, and individual morality can serve as limitless inspiration.
We don't need to use the language or
the mindset of the Western technocratic lifestyle management tool known as
identity politics to be practical and selfless, capable stewards of the human
body, non-human creatures, and nature, conscious of the actual value of life
and death, and generally nice people.
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